Marathi pride at stake, but for how long?

Governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari. File pic

The drama that unfolded over Governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari's remarks that were taken as an insult to Marathi pride, has also raised questions over the role of the governor's critics and their respective parties, then and now, in helping the Marathi manoos to prosper and bring him at par with the Gujarati and Rajasthani communities, who, according to the governor, hold all the wealth that makes Mumbai the financial capital of the country. The Gujarati and Rajasthani communities never had a significant share in the governments that have ruled the state. On the other hand, the Marathi leaders have been controlling the power and continue to do so even now. Why have they not made their own rich? Not all Marathi people could be rich, but at least, they are not expected to struggle to make both ends meet - such a precarious situation prevails outside Mumbai and Thane cities where poverty is much less than in the rural parts.

Farmers continue to struggle with agrarian crisis, the landless strive. But that does not mean that Mumbai and Thane have all its Marathi population living very comfortably. Neither do non-Marathi people - Gujarati and Rajasthani people included. All communities have their share of people living in poverty. The difficult life out there in the hinterland has made Mumbai a preferred destination that somehow assures survival, at least puts one on the brink before s/he steps on the way to his/her socio-economic stability.

Why do Mumbai and Maharashtra make a preferred destination for migrants or investors? Here comes the combined role of the government and the people of Maharashtra, the Marathi ones to be specific. Any state or city that is safe, has good infrastructure, educated human resources and most importantly, a friendly population, creates such investment opportunities. Maharashtra has done exceedingly well in doing so, and its people in certain pockets have benefitted from it as well. However, the names that emerge instantly in the commerce and industry and the businesses that make good money for the investors and owners, are generally non-Marathi ones. The bonafide Marathi people have also made a mark in various sectors, but they still lag behind their counterparts by miles and millions. Why?

Mumbai gets its workforce not only from Maharashtra but also across the country. Once upon a time, the city's textile mills, industry and ports had a majority of Marathi employees. Over the years, textile mills and industries have been replaced by malls and swanky housing and commercial complexes. The Marathi mill workers have been displaced. They had to fight for getting a matchbox residence where the mills stood once. Before some of them could get a house, they returned home or shifted to distant suburbs beyond the city limits. Their children too struggled to find footing in the fiercely competitive city of gold. Not all may have succeeded in landing a decent job or were able to run their own enterprise. Same is the story of the rural poor - the farmers and landless labourers. They all look up to the leaders who invest in Marathi pride for their political gains, more so when the elections approach.

No party is an exception to appeasing the Marathi manoos, especially where regional politics plays hard and brutally. The reactions to Koshyari proved it. Also, the parties are not willing to dent their interests in the other communities that matter to them in vote politics. It was the reason that parties have preferred measured reactions that ensured that the non-Marathi people were not hurt. The dynamics have changed in Mumbai and its metropolitan areas. The truth is that the apolitical Marathi manoos will have to fight his own battle in his own way, because the Marathi pride is most likely to remain a symbolic political gesture in the years to come. There was a time when the Marathi pride agenda topped the political schemes in Mumbai, but the rest of Maharashtra did not relate much to it. For the time being, the governor's remarks have lit up the issue again. But for how long before it stops flickering? It seems that in the future, templates that the south offers for protecting and preserving regional pride will no longer be as effective as they have been in Mumbai. The process began with the civic polls of 2017.

Dharmendra Jore is political editor, mid-day. He tweets @dharmendrajore
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